ORATIONS 



OF 



DEMOSTHENES, 



Crattalatrtr* 



WITH NOTES AND INTRODUCTION. 



BY 



OWEN FLINTOFF, ESQ. M.A. 

VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE INSTITUT d'aFRIQUE OF PARIS J AND 
BARRISTER AT LAW. 




LONDON: 
JOHN RICHARDS AND CO., LAW-BOOKSELLERS, 

194. FLEET-STREET. 
1840. 



a*\ 



3; 



^n> 



London : 
Frinteil by A. SrornswooiF., 
New. Street-Square. 



PREFACE 



The following pages are intended to present 
a view of the celebrated speeches of Demos- 
thenes in the English language, at the same time 
forming an accurate and faithful translation so 
far as the plan extends. It will, perhaps, be seen 
by the classical scholar, that the true meaning of 
the text has been, as much as possible, ex- 
pressed in a corresponding number of English 
words, and not, as is sometimes the case, ob- 
scured in a verbose hit at the sense. If the 
simplicity and accuracy sought for be at all 
attained, some merit may be conceded to the 
author. 

It will also be perceived that the whole of 
these orations are not here given, the reason of 
which is, that otherwise the work must have been 
much more extensive than was proposed. It is, 
however, anticipated, that the plan pursued will 
answer the intended purpose, which is, besides 
presenting to the student and general reader a 
useful translation, to afford, in particular, to the 
initiate orator a manual on which he may form 

a 2 



iv PREFACE. 



his style according to that of the greatest of 
speakers. In this style will be perceived no 
exaggeration or redundancy, but every thing 
arranged with severe precision and with little 
ornament, like the sculpture of the same classic 
age ; every sentence forming part of a whole, 
whose harmony and agreement are to work out 
the required effect. It can hardly be doubted 
that the following pages, if executed with a de- 
gree of ability, must be found beneficial to the 
public speaker in his early career ; and as they 
have been written in the midst of professional 
pursuits, the reader must kindly attribute to 
this circumstance such deficiencies as he may 
discover. 

It may be as well to observe, that the expres- 
sion 7r6Kis 9 in these orations, means either the 
Athenian state, or the city of Athens ; for, in 
fact, the Grecian states were rather cities sur- 
rounded by land cultivated for their sustenance, 
than any thing resembling a modern kingdom. 



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INTRODUCTION. 



Demosthenes was born b.c. 382., and died B.C. 322., 
in the little island of Calauria, in the Sinus Saronicus.(a) 
He is stated to have delivered sixty-five orations, of 
which all that he left in writing have probably come 
down to us. (b) Those extant are distributable into 
three kinds: viz. 1. The Harangues to the People, or 
Aywyoploti, including the Philippics, and those Philippics 
distinguished by the name of Olynthiac : 2. The Ora- 
tions upon Public Causes, or Aypoo-ioi Xoyoi, including 
the Speech on the Crown: and 3. The Orations on 
Private Causes, or 'Idicurixoi Koyoi. 

It is remarked in a treatise Concerning Oratory (c), 
.ascribed to Tacitus, that the convulsions of society are 
the true sources of eloquence. It was Catiline, Verres, 
Milo, and Mark Antony, says the historian, that spread 
so much glory around Cicero ; nor did Demosthenes 
owe his vast reputation to his speeches against his 
guardians. The truth of this observation seems borne 
out by experience, and, doubtless, the momentous times 
in which Demosthenes flourished added greatly to the 
extraordinary effect of his speeches. At the time when 
the first Philippic was delivered, the Macedonian power 

(a) See Clin. Fast. Hell. I. p. 105. 163. 
(6) See Clin. Fast. HeU. 1 pp. 351. 355. 
(c) Sec. 37. 



VI INTRODUCTION. 

was on the ascendant, and the genius of one man 
was threatening the liberties of Greece. Philip, who 
ascended the throne b.c 359., had, in the first instance, 
defeated the Ulyrians ; and afterwards, in alliance with 
the Olynthians, he successively captured the important 
maritime towns of Amphipolis, Pydna, and Potidaea. (a) 
Whilst, again, the Athenians had been foiled in the Con- 
federate War, their distinguished general Chabrias falling 
in the attack on Chios, b.c. 357. (b), Philip had a little 
later seized upon Pagasae, and commenced the siege of 
Methone, b.c. 353. (c) In the succeeding year to this 
the Athenians were in a like untoward manner thwarted 
in the Thessalian war, when their fleet, under Chares, 
co-operated with the Phocians under Onomarchus against 
Philip, but nevertheless the Macedonian gained a com- 
plete victory, and Thessaly fell by the results of the 
battle under his dominion, (d) Under such circum- 
stances, then, Demosthenes spoke his first oration against 
Philip, being himself a host in the unconquerable zeal 
with which he opposed himself to him whom he viewed 
as the intended enslaver of Greece. 

Shortly after these events, when the Macedonian king 
had settled the affairs of Thessaly, he occupied himself 
in extending his dominion and influence, particularly 
in Thrace and the northern continent, strengthening 
the Macedonian border, and forming advantageous 
alliances with his neighbours, (e) But whilst he was in 
Thrace, he received intelligence that the Athenian 
party had acquired the ascendancy in Olynthus, and 
that that state threatened to forsake his alliance. The 

(a) Mitf. GV. vi. 187—190. 

(6) Ibid. vi. 216, 217. ; Clin. Fast. Hell. i. 124. 

(c) Clin. Fast. Hell. i. 1 30. 

(d) See Mitf. Gr. vi. 320.; Clin. Fast. If, 11. i. 130. 
0) See post. p. 3. MUf. Gr. vi. 381. 



INTRODUCTION. Vll 

Olynthians had about thirty years previously nearly 
overwhelmed the Macedonian kingdom, and therefore 
imagined that when united to the Athenians they would 
be able to obtain the same position, or, at any rate, to 
withstand the Macedonians. And thus, the Athenian 
party at Olynthus managed finally to carry their pro- 
posal for an union with Athens in her war against 
Philip, (a) At the same time, an opportunity seemed 
to offer for engaging all Greece in a league against the 
threatening ambition of that king ; and accordingly, 
whilst iEschines was commissioned by the Athenians to 
proceed to the Peloponnesus in order to gain over the Ar- 
cadians (in which indeed he failed), to Demosthenes was 
committed the task of urging on the people at home. In 
this undertaking the consummate orator produced the 
orations against Philip, known by the title of Olynthiac. 
In these Olynthiac orations, one of the principal ob- 
jects was to persuade the Athenians to give up, for the 
purposes of the war, the theatrical fund, or that part of 
the public revenue distributed amongst them for the 
entertainment of the theatres : and as there was a law 
in force condemning to death any one who should pro- 
pose the diversion of any part of this fund to other pur- 
poses, than that to which it was legally appropriated (b) ; 
great art was requisite in bringing this proposal before 
the people. But the eloquence of Demosthenes, the 
promise of the Olynthian alliance, and the prospect held 
out of glory and indulgence, produced an extraordinary 
zeal among the Athenians for the prosecution of the 
war. (c) Accordingly a force was decreed, amounting 
to fourteen thousand men, of whom four thousand were 

(a) Mitf. Gr. vi. 383. (b) See post. p. 24, 25. 

(c) See Mitf. Gr. vi. 390. 



Vlll INTRODUCTION. 

to be Athenian citizens. (a) Soon after this, in the third 
Attic month, the end of September, or beginning of 
October, Chares, the Athenian general, set sail with his 
fleet. To the great disappointment however of the Olyn- 
thians, his troops consisted only of two thousand middle- 
armed mercenaries. 

Alarmed at the smallness of this armament, an em- 
bassy was sent by the Olynthians to Athens, requesting 
additional troops, and Demosthenes thereupon delivered 
his second Olynthiac oration (b), which was followed by 
Charidemus being ordered to reinforce Olynthus with 
eighteen triremes, and four thousand men : and these 
united forces ravaged Pallene and Bottiaea. It was late 
in the year before Philip could collect his forces ; and 
when he marched into the Olynthian territory, Chares 
had already withdrawn with his fleet. 

As Philip had afforded ready protection to the towns 
in the Olynthian confederacy friendly to his cause, 
and it was evident that in the spring, when operations 
could recommence, he would attack them with a superior 
force, the Olynthians, in alarm, sent again an embassy 
to Athens, urging the early supply of forces, formed 
out of the Athenian citizens themselves, according 
to the promise made them. In support of their demands 
Demosthenes spoke his third Olynthiac, and, according 
to his recommendation, a complement of two thousand 
heavy-armed troops and three hundred horse, all Athe- 
nian citizens, was sent to reinforce the army already 
employed. 

Such was the occasion of the third Olynthian oration. 
It is well known that Olynthus was nevertheless shortly 

(a) Demosth. de leg. p. 426. (6) See Clin. Fast. Hell. i. 135. 



INTRODUCTION. IX 

compelled to surrender to Philip, B.C. 347. (a), and the 
influence of the conqueror extended itself throughout 
Greece, until the confederacy against him was finally 
overthrown by the decisive battle of Chaeronea, in which 
the combined army of the Athenians and Thebans was 
completely routed (b) ; and the genius of the Macedo- 
nian thenceforth became predominant. 

The remainder of the life of Demosthenes was passed 
in ineffectual endeavours to rescue Greece from Mace- 
donian domination until the time when, after having 
been driven into exile by his countrymen, and again re- 
called in triumph, he finally was compelled to flee to the 
island of Calauria, and finding his position desperate 
submitted to a voluntary death. During this latter 
period, he delivered the famous oration On the Crown. 
This oration was spoken in defence of his friend Ctesi- 
phon, against whom the orator iEschines had preferred 
an accusation for illegal conduct, in having moved a 
decree for a golden crown to Demosthenes, although the 
real object was an attack upon Demosthenes himself; and, 
as Ctesiphon had grounded his decree of honour on that 
orator's merit towards the republic, it was the object 
of iEschines to show that Demosthenes was wholly un- 
worthy, not only of honour, but of any public esteem, (c) 
That part of the great orator's reply, which is given 
in this translation, consists in an assertion of his services 
to his countrymen, and of the goodness of his advice to 
them ; and in denying that he could be justly charged 
with the event ; or that noble and great actions were not 
equally praiseworthy, though accompanied by misfor- 
tune. The reader is aware that Demosthenes was com- 

(a) Clin. Fast, Hell, i. 138. (6) Mitf. Gr.vn. 147. 

(c) See Mitf. Gr. viii. 394. 



X INTRODUCTION. 

pletely successful, and that, agreeably to the law, which, 
to prevent frivolous accusations, subjected to banishment 
an accuser who did not obtain the votes of one fifth of 
the court, the rival orator was banished to Rhodes, or, 
as by some supposed, retired thither of his own accord. 

It is to be observed that Mr. Mitford, in his History 
of Greece, endeavours most unfairly to disparage De- 
mosthenes, for no other reason, apparently, than that he 
was the foremost man of the democracy, whilst the mo- 
dern historian had an inbred antipathy to the rude and 
sometimes licentious freedom of the Grecian states. But 
he should rather have borne in mind, that Demosthenes 
was not the creator of the institutions of his country, but 
only their ardent defender against an encroaching 
power, and striving with earnest zeal to call into being 
the principles of patriotism and disinterestedness. And 
if he found the unworthiness, the unjust aggression, the 
cowardly retreating, the selfish supineness, inherent in 
all multitudes unformed by education and discipline, 
he only met what has been the lot of all patriots, not 
excepting the great Washington himself. How much, 
indeed, do the eager calls of Demosthenes upon his 
countrymen, to make provision for the defence of their 
country, put us in mind of the difficulties the American 
patriot had to struggle under, when those for whom he 
was risking every thing left him almost without means. 
But the fact is that, although there was much to be 
admired in the Athenian constitution, providing as it 
did a sort of House of Lords in the Areopagus, an as- 
sembly as illustrious for magnanimity and worth in those 
days as the House of Peers is in British annals, and also 
a kind of House of Commons in the General Council, 
which digested and prepared legislative measures ; yet 



INTRODUCTION. XI 

there was this fatal error, that all measures had to be 
referred for ultimate decision not to a class of men supe- 
rior to others, but to the whole community, which, in 
the constitution of human nature, then as now, neces- 
sarily contained a great preponderance of the bad over 
the good. And how base, yet how natural, do we find the 
motives actuating the needy yet pleasure-loving mass ! 
Not only did they appropriate a vast proportion of 
the revenues of the state to their own amusement 
at the theatres, but even declared it death for any 
one to propose the rescinding of this law, a grievance 
and folly of which Demosthenes complains in the Third 
Olynthiac. This reference of every thing to the whole 
mass of the population (the principle of universal suffrage) 
was, in fact, the ruin of every thing good in the Athenian 
constitution: for the still small voice of the wise was hardly 
heard amidst the roar of the ignorant; and whilst the 
one sought for the ultimate good of their country by 
denying themselves accustomed luxuries, the other 
snatched at present enjoyment, careless of destruction 
until it was at their gates. 

It may not have been improper or unprofitable to 
have pointed out this misfortune in the Athenian state, 
since, even in our own times, men are found who would 
utterly destroy that constitution which in theory excited 
the admiration of Tacitus in ancient times, although he 
never expected it would be exemplified in practice («), 
by establishing the principle of universal suffrage, i. e. 
of the predominance of the many, who of necessity are 
ignorant and often corrupt, over the few, who, by habit 
and study, by discipline and religion, are enabled to 
form a just and wise opinion. 

(a) See Flintoff, Rise and Progress of Laws of Eng. p. 96. 



CONTENTS. 



Page 
FIRST PHILIPPIC - - 1 6 

FIRST OLYNTHIAC - - 7 — 18 

THIRD OLYNTHIAC - - 19—3*2 

ON THE CROWN - - 33 — 39 



ORATIONS 



DEMOSTHENES, 



FIRST PHILIPPIC, (a) 

If, indeed, Athenians, concerning any new matter it 
were proposed to speak, having restrained myself until 
the greatest part of those who have been so accustomed 
had declared their mind, if any thing pleased me of the 
things spoken by them, I should have held my peace ; 
but, if not, then even I myself would have endeavoured 
to mention what opinion I hold, (b) But since it hap- 
pens that we are even now considering matters of which 
these men have heretofore spoken frequently, I imagine 
that, though I have stood up first, I shall, with reason, 
obtain indulgence. For, if in time past these men 
had advised right measures there would now have been 
no need for you to be deliberating. 

First of all, then, Athenians, you must not despair of 
your present affairs, not even if they seem to be alto- 
gether in a deplorable state : for that which was the worst 
point in them in the time gone by, this, in reference to 

(a) This oration was spoken B.C. 352. ; Clin. Fast. i. 131. 360. 

(6) In the original yiyvcixnca) or yivuxrKw, to form an opinion. So 
fierayivcaffKOi), to change an opinion : airoyivdxxKO), to give up an opinion 
previously held. 

B 



2 FIRST PHILIPPIC. 

the future, is most encouraging. What, then, is this ? 
That while, Athenians, you have been in no way doing 
your duty, your affairs have been unfortunate : but, if 
things had been thus while you were doing all that 
became you, there would be no hope that they would 
become more favourable. In the next place, you must 
reflect, whether hearing the fact from others, or those 
who know it of themselves calling it to mind, what 
great power the Lacedaemonians once possessed, nor is it 
a long time since ; and how nobly and honourably you 
acted no part unworthy of the state, but sustained the 
war against them for the rights of Greece. 

On account of what, then, do I mention these events? 
That you may see, Athenians, and behold, that neither, if 
you are on your guard, is there any thing terrible to you ; 
nor if you are negligent, such as you would wish : taking 
as proofs the strength of the Lacedaemonians at that time, 
which you overcame by giving attention to your affairs, 
and the present insolence of this man, through which 
we are turmoiled by paying no regard to what we ought. 
But if any of you, Athenians, thinks Philip to be a dan- 
gerous enemy, considering the magnitude of the power 
possessed by him, and that all these districts are lost to 
the state, indeed he thinks rightly. However, reflect on 
this, that when, Athenians, we possessed Pydna (a), 
and Potidaea (b), and Methone (c), and all that 
region attached to us all around; and many of the 
nations now siding with him were independent and free, 
and were more inclined to adhere to us than to him ; 

(a) Pydna, a town of Macedonia, on the west shore of the Sinus Ther- 
maicus or Gulf of Salonica. 

(b) Potidea, a town of Macedonia, situate on the peninsula of Palleue, 
on the cast shore of the Gulf of Salonica. 

(c) Methone, a few miles north of Pydna. 



FIRST PHILIPPIC. 3 

if then, at that time, Philip had held this notion, that it 
was dangerous to wage war upon the Athenians, pos- 
sessing so many forts commanding his territory, and he 
being destitute of allies, not one of those things which 
he has now effected would he have set about (a) ; nor 
would he have obtained so great a power. But that 
man, Athenians, well knew this truth, that all these 
strongholds are the prizes of war lying in an open field, 
and naturally there devolves to the present the pro- 
perty of the absent, and to those who are willing to 
endure labour and danger the property of the remiss. 
And, accordingly, having adopted this principle, he has 
subdued all points, and holds them (b), partly as one 
having seized might hold them by the right of war, and 
partly having made them friends and allies. And in- 
deed all men are willing (c) to ally themselves and pay 
attention to those whom they see prepared and willing 
to do what they ought. 

Wherefore, Athenians, do you also be willing to be 
of such a mind now, since not heretofore, and let 
each of you, where need is and he might be able to 
render himself useful to the state, laying aside all idle 
excuses, show himself ready to act : he who has wealth 
to contribute ; he who is of the proper age to serve 
in the army. And to speak in short compass, if you 
shall choose to be masters of yourselves, and cease each 
to hope that he himself shall do nothing, and his 
neighbour do all things on his account; you will both 
recover your own possessions, if heaven allow, and will 

(a) Updrru, to set about a thing ; iroUw, to effect or accomplish it 
(where these words are distinguished). 

(6) Demosthenes here alludes to Thrace and the northern continent. 

(c) OeXft? and 4d4\<o signify " to be willing," much oftener than " to 
wish." 

B 2 



4 FIRST PHILIPPIC. 

get back again the losses of indolence, and will humble 
him. For, do not imagine his present power to rest 
permanent with him, as with a god : but men hate, and 
fear, and envy him, Athenians, even of those who 
now appear altogether to hold fast to him ; and all pas- 
sions which are found in any other men, these amongst 
the persons siding with him we must also suppose to 
exist. But now all these crouch down with fear, having 
nowhere to turn to from him, on account of your slow- 
ness and indolence, which I say you must lay aside now 
at once. For see, Athenians, the state of things ! — ■ 
to what a pitch of arrogance this man has thrust himself, 
who does not even give you the choice of acting or of 
keeping quiet, but threatens and, as they report, gives 
utterance to sayings of passing insolence : and he is not 
able either, although holding all places that he has 
subdued, to remain content with them, but continually 
he is encompassing others, and all around in a circle, 
whilst we are delaying and sitting still, he sets his nets 
about us ! (a) 

When, then, Athenians, when will you act as you 
ought ? when what crisis shall have befallen ? when, by 
Jove! what obligation there shall be? But now, 
what ought we to consider as to the present state of 
things? For, on my part, I think, that to freemen 
the strongest obligation is the shame they feel on ac- 
count of their condition. Are you satisfied, tell me, 
lounging about in the forum and asking one another 
" Is there any news going on ? " Why, can there be any 
greater news, than that the man of Macedon is subduing 
the Athenians, and managing at will the affairs of the 

(a) In the original irtpiaToixKonai. So Virg. JEn. iv. 121. BftltuaqtM 
indagine eingunt. 



FIRST PHILIPPIC. 5 

Greeks? " Is Philip dead?" « No, by Jove ! but he is ill." 
But what difference does it make to you ? For if this 
man should mishap anything, you would quickly create 
another Philip, if thus you devote your mind to your 
affairs. For neither has this man owing to his own 
strength become so great, as owing to our negligence. 
But even as to this point, if he should chance to mishap, 
and fortune should be found on our side (which always 
taking better care of us than we of ourselves might work 
out this also), be sure, that you being near, and when 
all his affairs were in confusion setting on them, might 
manage matters as you wish : but, as you now behave, 
not even if the turn of affairs gave to you Amphipolis(a), 
would you be able to receive it, wavering as you are 
both in your preparations and your sentiments. 

On the one hand, then, how that it is necessary that you 
be all with zeal endeavouring to perform your respective 
duties, supposing you all to know and to be convinced of 
it, I cease to argue. But the nature of the armanent, 
which I maintain will secure you from such disasters as 
these, and the number how great, and the resources of 
supplies of what kind, and the other points as they appear 
to me best and most expeditiously procured, in truth I 
shall endeavour to speak of, requesting of you, Atheni- 
ans, so far indulgence. When you have heard the whole 
matter then judge, and do not beforehand make up your 
mind. Nor, if at first I should seem to any one to pro- 
pose a new kind of armanent, let him imagine that I seek 
to procrastinate the measures. For not those who talk 
of "quickly" and "to-day," speak most to the purpose; 
for those evils which have already befallen we shall not 

(a) Amphipolis, a town on the river Strymon in Macedonia. 
B 3 



6 FIRST PHILIPPIC. 

be able by our present expedition to prevent : but he 
who shall point out what armanent being provided, how 
great and by what means it can be kept up, until we 
shall either have put an end to the war by agreement, or 
have got the better of our foes. For thus in future we 
shall no longer suffer annoyance, (a) 

(a) The rest of this beautiful oration is omitted. 



FIRST OLYNTHIAC. (a) 

On many occasions, Athenians, it appears to me that 
one might see the goodwill of the Gods clearly shown to 
the state, and particularly in our present circumstances. 
For, that parties should have arisen about to wage war 
with Philip, possessing both a contiguous country and 
considerable power, and, what is the greatest of all, 
entertaining such a belief concerning the war, so as to 
think reconciliation with him, to be, first of all, not to be 
trusted to, and, in the next place, the ruin of their own 
country, seems altogether like some providential and 
divine benevolence. It is our duty then, Athenians, 
immediately ourselves to look to this, that we do not 
appear to be worse friends to ourselves than circum- 
stances are : since it is of the things that are disgrace- 
ful, or rather most disgraceful, to be seen openly to 
abandon not only cities and localities, of which we were 
once masters, but also allies and opportunities provided 
by fortune. 

Now to describe, Athenians, the strength of Philip, 
and by those arguments to urge you to do your duty, 
I do not consider to be right. And why? Because 
it seems to me, that every thing which a person might 
say on these subjects, carries to him a certain distinc- 
tion, but to us that our conduct has not been proper. 
For, as to him, in the same degree that he has effected 
more beyond what was expected of him, in the same 

(a) This oration was spoken b.c. 349. ; 1 Clin. Fast. 360. 
B 4 



FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 



degree is he considered by all more worthy of admir- 
ation : but as for you, in the same degree, that you 
have managed your affairs worse than became you, in 
the same degree have you incurred deeper disgrace. 
These things, then, I shall pass over. For, if with exact 
truth, Athenians, any one should examine the matter, 
he will find that from hence he has become great, and 
not from himself. About these things, then, for which 
he owes obligation to those who have managed for him 
political tactics, and for which you ought to inflict 
punishment, I do not now see an opportunity of speak- 
ing. But those things which are both independent of 
these, and which it is better for you all to have heard, 
and which appear, Athenians, great subjects of reproach 
against him (if you are inclined rightly to estimate), 
these matters I shall endeavour to state. 

To call him, then, perjured and faithless, without ap- 
pealing to facts, any one might say was empty abuse. And 
justly so. But on going through all things that he has 
ever done, to convict him in all these, happens both to re- 
quire a short story, and for two reasons, I consider it ought 
to be narrated — that verily he (which is also the truth) 
may be seen to be a villain, and that those who are ex- 
ceedingly amazed at Philip, as one who is unconquerable, 
may see that he has run through all the means by which, 
formerly deceiving, he has been raised to his present 
greatness, and that affairs in his case are come to the very 
last point. For, indeed, I myself also, Athenians, should 
have thought Philip an object of great fear and wonder, 
if by a course of just conduct I had seen him become 
great. But now, considering and observing, I find him 
to have gained over our simplicity at the first, (when 
some parties drove away from this place the Olynthians, 



FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 9 

who wanted to confer with us,) by promising to deliver 
up Amphipolis, and by hatching that once much talked of 
secret — and after this the friendship of the Olynthians, 
by destroying Potidsea, when it was ours, and injuring 
us their former allies, and giving it up to them — and the 
Thessalians now at the last, by engaging that he would 
deliver up Magnesia, and by undertaking to wage the 
Phocian war on their behalf. And altogether there is 
no party which this man has not cheated of those who 
have dealt with him : for, by deceiving from time to time, 
and gaining over the ignorance of the several parties of 
those who knew him not, he has thus become great. 
As therefore, by means of these expedients he has grown 
to greatness, when each thought they would effect some- 
thing advantageous to themselves, thus he must by the 
same means be pulled down again, now that he has been 
convicted of doing all things on his own behalf. 

To this critical point, then, Athenians, the affairs of 
Philip have arrived. Or let some one having come for- 
ward, point out to me, or rather to you, that what I say 
is either not true ; or that those who have been deceived 
at first, in matters hereafter will put trust in him ; or 
that the Thessalians who have been enslaved (a), contrary 
to their own deserts, would not now gladly become 
free, (b) Besides, if any one of you believes that these 
things are so, but thinks that by force he will retain 
possession of his objects, from having secured the strong- 
holds, and harbours, and other such like things, he thinks 
not aright. For, when affairs are united by goodwill, 
and the same interests belong to all who partake in the 

(a) AovXoca, to make a slave ; dovAevw, to be a slave. 

(b) ikevBepos, one free to come or go as he pleases, from itevOca, venio. 
an obsolete verb supplying many tenses of zpxopai. 



10 FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 

conflict, men are willing both to join in labour, and to sus- 
tain vicissitudes, and to stand at their post. But when, 
by rapacity and wickedness any one, like this man, has 
grown powerful, the first pretence, or ever so small a 
misfortune, makes every thing recoil (a) and breaks them 
up. For it cannot be, it cannot be, Athenians, that by 
injustice, and perjury, and falsehood, any one can obtain 
permanent power. But such things for once and a short 
time hold out, and very much blossom in hope, if it so 
happen ; but, in length of time, are detected, and of 
themselves fall to ruin. For, as in a house, methinks, 
and a ship, and other such things, the lowest parts 
ought to be strongest, thus also in human actions it is fit 
that the beginning and foundation should be laid in truth 
and justice. But this quality is not now observable in 
the transactions of Philip. 

I say, then, that you ought at once to support the 
Olynthians ; and in the same degree that any one pro- 
poses it in the handsomest and quickest manner, so far 
will he afford me pleasure : and to send an embassy to 
the Thessalians, which may instruct some parties in 
these things, and inflame others. For they have now 
decreed to demand back again Pagasae (b), and to enter 
into expostulation with regard to Magnesia, (c) Yet, 
look well to this, Athenians, that our ambassadors 
may not utter words merely, but may be able to appeal 
to something actual and real, by our marching out in a 

(<i) auaxani^u, from ava and x aiT7 7> tne mane of a horse. See Eurip. 
Hippol ] 222. 

(b) Pagass, a maritime town of Magnesia, in Thessaly. It was 
Beized upon by Philip a. c. :?5:5., who also in this year began to besiege 
Methone, from which point of time Demosthenes seems to date the hos- 
tile projects of Philip against Greece, — See Clin. Fait. lldl. i. 130. 

(r) Magnesia, a country on the east coast of Thessaly. 



FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 11 

manner worthy of the state, and being on the scene of 
action. For every speech, if facts be wanting, appears 
idle and empty, and especially that from our city. For, 
in the same degree that we are thought to employ it 
most readily, so far do all men the more distrust it. 
Much change, then, and great alteration must be shown, 
by your contributing, by marching out, and by doing 
all things readily, if any one is to pay you observance. 
And if you shall determine to accomplish all this as it 
becomes you, and is your duty, not only, Athenians, will 
the alliances of Philip be found to be in a feeble and 
trustless state, but also his own rule and power will be 
detected to be in a bad condition. For certainly, in the 
way of addition, the Macedonic power and rule is some- 
thing not inconsiderable, such as it was once proved to 
you in the time of Timotheus against the Olynthians (a) : 
and then, again, this when united was found something 
considerable by the Olynthians against Potidaea (b) : and 



(a) This alludes to the time b. c. 359., when, in the year of his acces- 
sion to the Macedonian throne, Philip, having secured his western border 
by the defeat of the Illyrians, he with an army, and the Athenians with a 
fleet, under their general Timotheus, laid siege to Olynthus with their 
joint forces ; but Philip, retiring from the confederacy, in digust at the 
conduct of the Athenians in aiding Pydna, his only maritime town, to 
revolt, Timotheus was compelled by the Olynthians to retreat. — See 
Clin. Fast. Hell. i. 122.; Mitf. Gr. vi. 156. 862. The obvious motive 
of the Athenians for attacking Olynthus, was, the conquest of a powerful 
maritime state, according to their favourite policy, which always aimed 
at the dominion of the sea ; but the design of Philip, in joining in an 
attempt to establish the power of Athens over the whole Macedonian 
coast, seems difficult to explain. 

(6) Although, as we have seen in the preceding note, Timotheus had 
been obliged to draw off his fleet from before Olynthus, yet the Olynth- 
ians perceiving the danger of their being eventually subdued, sought an 
alliance with Philip against Athens, which the Macedonian, disgusted at 
the treachery of his late allies regarding Pydna, readily entered into. The 
united forces of the Macedonians and Olynthians marched the same year, 



12 FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 

just now it supported the Tbessalians when in disorder, 
and discord, and confusion, against the reigning family. 
(a) And whenever any one, methinks, adds even a 

b. c. 358., in the first place, against the maritime city of Amphipolis, 
which had passed from the alliance of Olynthus under the dominion of 
Athens, and after subduing it, they then marched against Pydna, which, 
containing numerous adherents of Philip, at once opened its gates on his 
appearance. Having thus recovered this important maritime station, 
Philip proceeded to benefit his new allies ; and, with their assistance, 
besieged and took Potideea, the natural rival of Olynthus, near which it is 
situated. Potidaea being thus conquered, was made over by Philip to the 

Olynthians See Clin. Fast. Hell. i. 222. ; Mitf. Gr. vi. 182—190. 

(a) The Thessalians, divided into several republics, were accustomed 
to appoint, for extraordinary occasions, a common military commander of 
the general nation, with the title of Tagus, a word derived from the Teu- 
tonic toga, a leader, who, in station and appointment, was very similar 
to the Bretwalda, or military chief of the Ancient Britons. — See Mitf. 
Gr. v. 100. ; Flintoff, Rise and Prog, of Laws of Engl. pp. 20. 25. The 
Tagus succeeded to the place of the ancient Thessalian kings, from the 
necessity, after the abolition of the hereditary royalty, of such a para- 
mount leader in times of war ; but it would seem that, as was the case 
amongst the Britons, the office principally fell to some predominant family 
in the state ; and that, although in fact elected by the general assembly 
of the several republics or cities, the tagus continued in office for an un- 
limited time, and hence he is styled by Thucydides (lib. i. c. iii.), by the 
title of king or fiaaiXevs. The power of the tagus was sometimes ex- 
tended, sometimes restricted within narrow limits. In the year b. c. 
359., Alexander of Fherae, the then Thessalian tagus, was assassinated, 
and Tisiphonus, a principal in the murder, succeeded to the dignity. 
Discord and confusion followed upon his accession ; some of the towns 
obeyed him, whilst others disclaimed his authority ; and resistance was 
repressed by military executions. — See Mitf. v. 266, 277.; (7/;/. Fast. 
Hell. i. 122. The tyranny of this ruler had been partially repressed by 
Alexander, first king of Macedon, the eldest brother of Philip, and son of 
Amyntas, who had owed liis establishment on the Macedonian throne to 
the support of the principal Thessalian families. But (luring the ensuing 
troubles in IMaeedon, his tyranny had increased and extended itself over all 
the Thessalian towns; and on his assassination, which subsequently took 
placej his successor Tisiphonus, showing himself equally a tyrant and 
oppressor, the assistance of Philip was applied for to free the Thessalians 

from their thraldom. This the Macedonian effected, and to this interference 
Demosthenes here alludes. Of this action Diodorus (lib. l<;. c xiY.)says, 
" Philip inarched into Thessalv, defeated the tyrants, and acquiring thus 



FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 13 

small power, in every respect it tells. But alone, of 
itself, it is feeble and full of many evils. For this man, 
by all those means in which any one might conceive 
him to be great, by wars and by expeditions, hath ren- 
dered it still more perilous for himself than it was by 
nature. For do not think, Athenians, that the subjects 
of Philip take pleasure in the same objects that he does. 
But he covets glory, and on this he hath set his heart 
and purpose, in acting and meeting danger, if any thing 
happen to sustain it, having chosen the glory of effecting 
those objects which no other king of Macedon ever did, 
in preference to living in security : while they have no 
share in the distinction arising from these actions, but 
always harrassed by these expeditions that run up and 
down, they are grieved and constantly distressed, and 
neither are allowed to remain at their employments, nor at 
their own homes, nor are able to dispose of such articles 
as they produce in any way which they otherwise could 
do, the markets in the country being blocked up on 
account of the war. 

In what way, then, the greater part of the Mace- 
donians are affected towards Philip any one may, 
from these facts, form a notion without difficulty. But 
they who are about him, being foreigners and foot- 
guards, have the reputation of being admirable soldiers 
and well drilled in the business of war. But, as I 
have heard a person say, (one of those who have been 
in that country itself, a man not at all likely to utter 
an untruth,) they are in no wise superior to others. But 

freedom for the cities, he showed a liberality which so attached the Thes- 
salians, that in all his following wars and political contests, they were his 
zealous assistants, and remained such to his son." — See Mitf. Gr. vi. 
198—200. 



14 FIRST OLYNTHTAC. 

if there be any man amongst them such as is well 
skilled in war and battles, all such, he said, he puts away 
through pride and jealousy, wishing that all the actions 
should appear to be his own : for, again, besides all 
other things, that the pride also of this man is beyond 
all bounds. But if any temperate, or otherwise just per- 
son, not being able to bear the daily intemperance (a) 
of life, and the drunkenness, and the lewd dances, that 
such a man is pushed away, and held in no station 
whatever. That, in fact, the remaining persons around 
him are buffoons and flatterers, and such like men, who, 
when drunk, dance such dances as I am now loth to 
name before you. And it is evident that these things 
are so. For men whom all drove away from hence as 
being more profligate than jugglers, Callias, the well- 
known common slave, and such like men, actors of 
farces, and composers of base songs, which they make 
upon those in the company for the sake of laughter — 
these he loves and keeps about him. But these things, 
even if any one considers them as trivial, are great 
proofs, Athenians, of that man's mind and infatua- 
tion (b), to men of sense. But, methinks, his prosperity 
now casts a shade over these things. For success has 
wonderful effect in hiding and covering disgraces of such 
a kind. But if any thing should go wrong, then all 
these faults in him will be exactly developed. And it 
seems, indeed, to me, Athenians, that he will manifest 
this in no long time, if the Gods please, and you are well 
inclined. For, as in our bodies, whilst any one is in 

(a) aKpacia, intemperance in drinking : bxparos, nnmingled : 6.Kpar^s, 
unable to control. 

(b) In the original /cafcoSatjuoWa, infatuation of mind ; strictly, from 
some offended deity. 



FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 15 

strong health, he feels nothing that in any part is un- 
sound ; but as soon as any ill health befalls him, every evil 
is thrown into motion, whether it be a fracture, or a 
sprain, or any other of his bodily functions that is 
unsound : thus also in the case of cities and kings, whilst 
they wage war abroad their weaknesses are invisible to 
the world ; but, when a contiguous war is engaged in, it 
lays bare every failing. 

But if any of you, Athenians, beholding Philip for- 
tunate, on that account believes him dangerous to 
attack, he adopts the reasoning of a wise man : for for- 
tune has great sway, or rather is the whole matter in 
all the affairs of men. Not, however, for my part, if 
any one would give me the choice, but I should prefer 
the fortune of our city to that of him, if you were wil- 
ling to do what is proper, even in a small degree. For 
I see very many more reasons existing, so as to expect 
the favour of the Gods in our case than in his. But, 
methinks, we sit still doing nothing. And it is not 
right, while a person remains himself inactive, to en- 
join even his friends to do any thing for him, much 
less the Gods. It is not to be wondered at, then, if this 
man, taking the field and labouring himself, and being 
present in all affairs, and neglecting no crisis of things 
or season of the year, gain the advantage over us delay- 
ing, and passing decrees, and inquiring after news. Nor 
at this do I wonder. For the contrary would be won- 
derful, if we, who do nothing that is proper for those 
to do who are engaged in war, should get the better of 
him who does all that he ought. But, at one thing I do 
wonder, that ever, Athenians, you withstood the Lace- 
daemonians on behalf of the rights of Greece, and when 
it was often in your power to gain privately many 



16 FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 

advantages, you did not choose so to do : but, in order 
that other parties might obtain their rights, you ex- 
pended your own property in contributions, and sought 
the first ranks of danger in the field. But, now, you 
are loth to march out, and are tardy in contributing in 
defence of your own possessions : and the other parties 
you have preserved oftentimes, all of them and each, 
one by one in turn : whereas now that you have lost 
your own possessions you sit stock-still. Things such 
as these I wonder at: and, moreover, besides these 
things, that not even one of you, Athenians, is capable 
of considering for what a length of time you have been 
at war with Philip, and what you have been doing while 
all this time has elapsed. For, surely you somehow 
know this ; that while you were delaying, hoping that 
others would act, accusing one another, bringing parties 
to trial — again hoping, and nearly doing the same 
things that you are now doing — all this time has passed 
away. But are you so foolish, Athenians, as to expect 
that, from these modes of procedure by which from good 
the affairs of the city have become bad ; — from these 
same modes, from bad they should become good ? But 
this is neither reasonable, nor has it nature with it. For 
it is much easier in all things when you have to preserve, 
than to acquire in the first instance. And now, indeed, 
there is nothing left us, by the war, of our former posses- 
sions which we may preserve. But it behoves us to 
obtain. Of your ownselves, then, this is henceforth the 
duty. Therefore, I affirm, that it is necessary to con- 
tribute money, to march out yourselves with zeal, and to 
blame nothing before you shall take affairs into your 
own hands ; and then, from actions themselves, forming 
an opinion, to honour those men who are worthy of 



FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 17 

praise, and to punish those who do wrong ; and to re- 
move all idle excuses and deficiencies on the part of your- 
selves. For you cannot severely examine into the conduct 
of others, unless first of all your duty be performed by 
your ownselves. For on what account, Athenians, do 
you think that all the generals whom you have sent out, 
decline this war, and find wars of their own ? (if one 
may speak any truth about the generals amongst others.) 
Because, in the one case, the prizes for which the war is 
waged are yours — (should Amphipolis even be taken, you 
will immediately get it into your own hands — ) but the 
dangers are peculiar to the commanders, and pay they 
have none : whereas there the dangers are less, and the 
gains are the property of the captains and commanders — 
Lampsacus, Sigeum, and the ships which they plunder. 
After that verily, which is profitable to both of them, 
they severally advance. But you, when you contem- 
plate your affairs in a bad state, call your commanders 
to trial : and when, having granted them an oppor- 
tunity of speaking, you hear these difficult straights, you 
acquit them. 

It remains, then, for us to dispute and quarrel with 
one another, some being convinced of one thing, and 
some of another : and for public affairs to go all wrong. 
Formerly, forsooth, Athenians, you contributed your 
money in classes : but now you form parties in the 
state by classes ; an orator the leader of each party, and a 
general under him (a), and those who are to support them, 

(a) This alludes to the custom of connecting a public orator with a 
military commander, so that the ability or good favour of the former might 
serve as a defence of the conduct of his colleague against popular caprice 
and petulance. And thus, we find Iphicrates, appointed by the voice of 
the people to a great military command, requesting a colleague, and for 
that colleague a popular orator, unversed in military command, and not 

C 



18 FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 

the three hundred : and you, the rest, are dealt out, some 
to one party, some to another. It behoves you, surely, 
having dropped these practices, and even now being 
masters of yourselves, to make common to all the task 
of speaking, and of counselling, and of acting. But, if 
to some of you, as in a despotic government, you shall 
assign to command, and to others to be compelled to fur- 
nish triremes, to contribute, and to serve in the army ; 
and to others only to vote about these matters, and to 
furnish no other labour — none of the necessary measures 
will be accomplished for you in due season. For the party 
which, from time to time, has been unjustly used will fall 
short : so that it will be your lot to punish these parties 
instead of your enemies. 

I propose, then, by way of upshot, that all contribute 
from what each possesses, in fair proportion : that all 
march out in turn, until all have served a campaign : 
that you give freedom of speech to all who come for- 
ward: and that you adopt the best proposals which 
you may hear, not what such or such a one shall have 
advised. And if you shall do this, you will not only 
praise at the time him who has so advised you, but also 
your ownselves afterwards, when the whole of your 
affairs are in a more flourishing position. 



his friend. — See Mitf. Gr. vi. 135. Indeed, when we consider the base 
manner in which the arbitrary and fickle democracy frequently rewarded the 
services of their commanders, this seems to have been only a plan of self-de- 
fence. What a strong example does a practice like this afford of the 
nature of democratic governments, when the brave soldier, who is spilling 
his blood for his country, cannot be assured of an escape from banishment 
and exile, except by the support and countenance ( f some favourite mob- 
orator ! 



19 



THIRD OLYNTHIAC. (a) 

It is not in my power, Athenians, to entertain the same 
sentiments, when I look to the state of affairs and when 
I attend to the speeches that I hear. For the speeches 
I see to turn upon humbling Philip, but our affairs to 
be arrived at such a pitch, that it is necessary to look 
out lest we ourselves, in the first instance, suffer damage. 
Wherefore in nothing else do those who hold such lan- 
guage seem to me to be in error, than in setting before 
you, for the subject about which you are deliberating, 
that which is not the true one. And for my part, that 
it was once in the power of the state, both to keep its 
own securely, and to humble Philip, I very exactly 
know : for in my time, not very long ago, both these 
things were practicable. But now I am convinced, that 

(a) This oration was spoken b.c. 349. (see Clin. Fast. Hell. i. 360.), 
the same year in which the Olynthian war began. See Clin. Fast. i. 136. 
There were three Olynthian orations delivered by Demosthenes, and, accord- 
ing to Ulpian, p. 10. 1. ed. Par., each oration was followed by one of the 
three expeditions. Three embassies were sent successively in the year of Cal- 
limachus (b. c. 349. ), to Athens, requesting assistance. In answer to the first, 
from Olynthus, the Athenians sent them a force composed of mercenaries, 
under Chares. Shortly after this the people of Chalcidice, pressed by the 
war, sent an embassy, and thereupon Charidemus was sent to their aid, and, 
in conjunction with the Olynthians, ravaged Pallene and Bottiasa. A third 
embassy being sent for fresh succours, the Athenians then, agreeably to 
the urgent advice of Demosthenes in all the three orations, sent an arma- 
ment composed of Athenian citizens. See Clin. Fast. Hell. i. 136, 7. 
All these three orations were spoken previously to the sending of the third 
armament. 

c 2 



20 THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 

this is enough for us, in the first instance, to make sure 
of — how we may protect our allies. For if this point he 
firmly established, then it will be in our power to con- 
sider also about what method one should take to humble 
him. But before we have laid the foundation rightly, 
I deem it quite idle to enter into any discourse about 
the end. 

The present crisis then, Athenians, if ever, now 
forsooth requires much thought and counsel. And 
for my part I do not consider it the most difficult of 
matters to give you advice that is right, about our pre- 
sent affairs ; but there is one thing about which I am 
perplexed, in what way, Athenians, it is best to speak 
to you concerning them. For I am convinced, from 
what I know, being present and hearing, that the greater 
part of your measures have slipped away from you, from 
the want of will to take the proper means, not from the 
want of understanding them. And I call upon you, if 
I pursue my discourse with boldness, to bear with it, 
considering this, whether I speak what is true, and to the 
end that matters may be better hereafter. For you see 
how, from certain persons having harangued with an eye 
to popularity, our affairs have arrived at every pitch of 
wretchedness. But I deem it necessary to remind you, 
first, of a few of the events that are past. You remember, 
Athenians, when Philip was reported to you in Thrace, 
(it is now three or four years ago,) besieging the fortress 
of Hera?um, at that time it was the fifth month (a) ; 
and, when many speeches and much tumult arose 
amongst you, you decreed to launch forty triremes (£), 
and that men short of five-and-forty years old should 

(«) See Clin. Fast. Hell. i. 396. ef c*f. 

(6) A trireme was a galley with three banks of oars, one ahove another. 



THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 21 

themselves embark, and to contribute sixty talents of 
silver. And, after these things, when all that year had 
gone over (a), and the first, the second, and the third 
month (b) — scarcely after this month, after the mys- 
teries (c), did you send out Charidemus with ten ships, 
ill-manned, and five talents. For when Philip was an- 
nounced to be sick or dead (for both reports reached 
us), thinking it to be no longer the season to send rein- 
forcements, you gave up, Athenians, the expedition ! 
But this was the very season for it. For if we had then 
with readiness sent troops thither, as we had decreed, 
Philip would not now haye troubled us, after having 
got better at that time. 

The things, indeed, then done cannot be altered. 
But now the season of another war is come, on account 
of which also I made mention of these things, that you 
may not fall into the same error again. How, then, 
Athenians, shall we manage this ? For, unless you send 
reinforcements with your whole strength, to the uttermost 
of your power, consider in what way you will have con- 

(a) Subsequently to the archonship of Apseudes, b.c. 433., the Attic 
year commenced at midsummer, or July, with the month Hecatombseon, 
the first month. See Clin. Fast. Hell. p. xvi. xxiii. The Attic months 
thus commencing in July, ran thus: Hecatombaeon ; Metagitnion ; 
Boedromion ; Pyanepsion ; Maemacterion ; Posideon ; Gamelion ; An- 
thesterion ; Elaphebolion ; Munychion ; Thargelion ; and Scirophorion. 
Ibid. i. p. 324. Hence it was in Maemacterion, or the fifth Attic month, 
that Philip was besieging the fortress of Heraeum, and in Pyanepsion, the 
fourth Attic month of the next year, very early in the month, the expedi- 
tion under Charidemus was dispatched. 

(6) The Olynthian war began after midsummer, b.c. 349., and the first 
expedition, under Chares, appears to have been concluded in the third 
Attic month', or September b.c. 349. Ulpian ad Demosth. pp. 26. 42, 
ed. Par. 

(c) The mysteries, /xva-r^pia /xeyaAa, or 'EAeu<nVta, began on the 1 5th 
and ended on the 23d, of Boedromion, or the third month. See Corsin. 
Fast. Att. torn, ii, p. 378. 

c 3 



22 THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 

ducted all your operations in favour of Philip. The 
Olynthians were possessed of some considerable power, 
and affairs were in this position : — neither Philip con- 
fided in them, nor they in Philip : — we and they had 
concluded a peace with one another : — this was, as it 
were, a thorn in the side of Philip and an awkwardness, 
that a great city, united to us, should be stationed on 
the watch (a) against him: — we thought it expedient to 
set these men to war by all possible means ; and what 
all men at that time talked about, this has now been 
effected by some means or other. What, then, is left, 
Athenians, except to support them with vigour and 
spirit. I, indeed, do not see anything. For, over and 
above the disgrace that would encompass us, if we meanly 
abandoned any of our objects, neither, Athenians, is the 
danger small which I see arising after this, disposed as 
the Thebans are towards us, and the Phocians being 
exhausted of their money, and there being no one to 
hinder Philip, after having subdued his present obstacles, 
from turning his mind to affairs in this part of Greece. 
But, if to this point, any one of you puts off the doing 
of his duty, he wishes to see dangers near at hand, when 
it rests with him to. hear of them elsewhere occurring, 
and to seek protectors for himself, when it rests with him 
now himself to succour others. For, that affairs will be 
reduced to this pass, if we abandon the present plans, 
we all surely very well know. 

But " that it is necessary to send reinforcements," 
any one may say, " We have all determined, and sup- 
port we will send; but the mode of doing it — tell 
us that." Do not wonder, then, Athenians, if I shall 

(u) '6pnos, Static navalis J <5/>/u.e'a>, stationem habere: dpfi^i, impetVOSUl 
motus ; dpixdw, incite* 



THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 23 

say something surprising to the greater part of you. 
Appoint nomothetes (a): and by these nomothetes do 
not enact any new laws : for there are sufficient for 
you: but repeal those which at present are injurious 
to you. And I allude to those about the theatrical 
fund in this distinct manner, and to those about men 
who serve in the army, some of them. Of which laws, 
some of them distribute to those who stay at home the 

(a) The nomothetes were persons appointed as commissioners, some- 
times to the number of a thousand, to consider and propose alterations or 
amendments in the old laws. It may be proper here to mention that the 
Athenian constitution, as established by Solon, was as follows : — In the 
first place, the people were divided, according to their property, into four 
classes — the Centacosimedimni, or those having a yearly income of 500 
medimni ; the Equites, who had 400 ; the Zeugita?, who had 300 ; and 
the Thetes, which included those whose yearly income did not amount to 
this last sum ; whilst, at the same time, the ancient divisions according 
to heads, into wards, of which there were four, and according to residence, 
into hundreds, of which there were 170, were preserved. Every year 
nine archons were elected, who acted as supreme magistrates at the head 
of the state. The first of these archons was called iir&vv/Aos, who gave 
the name to the year ; the second, (2a(Ti\evs, who managed divine ser- 
vices ; the third, iroKefiapxos, who managed the concerns of war ; and the 
remaining six were the ^ecr/xoderai. From each of the four wards 100 
persons, belonging to the first three classes, were chosen annually, after 
having passed a rigid examination, and these 400 formed the council or 
senate, j8oi/\^, and acted in concert with the archons. The archons had 
to consult with the council on every proposition, and these formed, toge- 
ther, the legislative body, in which laws were to be first proposed and 
digested, after which they could be carried down for confirmation to the 
people at large, consisting of the whole four classes at their iKK\r)aiai, or 
general assemblies. See Heeren, Anc. Hist. p. 138, 9. ; Mitf. Gr. i. 375. 
et seq. Besides these departments, there was an order superior to all, and 
having power to stop the effect of the judicial decrees of the assemblies of 
the people themselves, viz., the Areopagus, which was revived by Solon, 
after having fallen into disuse, and consisted of all those who had exercised 
the office of archon with unimpeached character. This court alone had 
cognisance in general, of capital crimes, and from its sentence no appeal 
lay to the people. It decided all issues from the public treasury, and 
could punish all immoral or disorderly conduct in individuals. Its mem- 
bers were for life, unlike any other of the Athenian dignitaries. Ibid. 

c 4 



24 THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 

military fund as theatrical money ; and others render 
exempt from punishment those who escape serving in 
the army ; and, in the next place, they render those who 
are willing to do their duty more disheartened. But 
when you have repealed these things, and have cleared 
from danger the path to recommending the best advice, 
then seek for some one to draw up what you all know 
to be expedient. But before you have done this, do not 
inquire what person, in proposing plans most beneficial 
for you, will seek at your hands his own destruction. (a) 
For you will not find him. And, especially, since this 
alone is likely to be the result, that the person who has 
proposed and drawn these up, shall unjustly suffer some 
wrong and do no good to the state; whilst, moreover, he 
will render, for the future, the task of proposing the 
best measures even more dangerous than it is at pre- 
sent. Yes, and, Athenians, we ought to call upon 
those men themselves to repeal the laws, who have even 
enacted them. For it is not just for that popularity 
which has injured the whole state to appertain to those 
men who at that time enacted them ; and that the odium 
by which we should all fare the better, should prove the 
ruin of him who has now given the best advice. But, 
before you have set these things aright, by no means, 

(a) This alludes to the enactment making it death to propose the 
rescinding of the law concerning the theatrical fund. An enactment of 
the celebrated lawgiver, Charondas, compelled any one, proposing to abro- 
gate an old or enact a new law, to come before the general assembly with 
a halter round his neck, and if the proposal of such a person was 
rejected, he subjected himself to capital punishment. This, the ob- 
ject of which was to prevent rash and ill-concerted schemes from being 
proposed to the people, who, like all large assemblies, possessed little 
judgment, and were easily led away by the most presumptuous talker, 
was certainly carrying to extremes a good principle, that of making a 
would-be legislator responsible for his proposals, and was afterwards 

altered by Solon. See Diod. Sic. 1. 12, c 17. ; Miff. Gr. i. 



THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 25 

Athenians, expect any one to be so great amongst you, 
as infringing upon the laws, not to suffer for it, or so 
foolish as to plunge himself into ruin before his eyes. 
Nor, yet of this, does it behove you to be ignorant, 
Athenians, that a decree is of no worth unless there go 
along with it a willingness on your part to perform with 
spirit what is determined on. For if decrees were suf- 
ficient, either to compel you to act as becomes you, or 
to effectuate those objects about which they are drawn 
up, neither would you, passing many decrees, have 
effected few or rather none of these objects, nor would 
Philip have acted injuriously so long a time. For, long 
since, as far as decrees go, he would have suffered dearly. 
But things are not thus. For, to act, being in order of 
time posterior to speaking and voting («), is in efficiency 
prior and superior. This requisite, then, ought to be 
added, the rest exist already. For, indeed, there are 
amongst you, Athenians, men able to give the best ad- 
vice, and you of all persons are quickest to decide upon 
what is spoken : and you will be able now to carry into 
execution also, if you will act aright. For what time, 
or what season, Athenians, do you seek for better than 
the present ? Or when will you do your duty, if not 
now ? Has not the man got hold of all our strong- 
places ? and if he shall become master of this region (b) 
also, we shall be in a state of all others the most dis- 

(a) In the original, x el P 0T0Ve w> manum protendo et attollo. When a 
law was proposed to the general assemblies, the people voted on it by 
holding up their hands. See Mitf. Gr. i. 379. " The debates being 
ended, the crier, at the command of the foreman, signified to the people 
that the business waited their determination. Suffrages were then given 
by holding up hands. This was the ordinary manner of voting ; but in 
some extraordinary cases, particularly when the question related to the 
maladministration of magistrates, votes were given privately, by casting 
pebbles into vessels prepared by the Pry tanes. " Ibid. 

(6) That is, Olynthus. 



26 THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 

graceful. Are not those persons, whom if they went to 
war we promised to protect with zeal, are not they now 
attacked ? Is he not our enemy ? Has he not hold 
of our possessions ? Is he not a barbarian ? is he not — 
what any one may term him ? But, by the Gods ! after 
having let all these things pass, and having all but helped 
him to contrive them, shall we then seek for the authors 
of these evils, who they can be ? For we shall not say, 
that we ourselves are to blame, that I well know. For 
neither, in the conflicts of war, does any one of the run- 
aways accuse himself; but even his general, and his 
neighbours, and all persons rather. And yet they have 
been defeated owing to all these runaways, sure enough. 
For he might have stayed, who now accuses the others ; 
and if all had done thus, they would have been victorious. 
And now does any one give not the best advice? 
Let another rise up and speak; do not accuse him. 
Does another give better advice ? Act upon that, with 
God's blessing. But is this not agreeable? That is 
not the fault of the speaker, excepting if, when he ought 
to pray to heaven, he neglect that duty. For it is an 
easy thing, Athenians, to make our prayer, having as- 
sembled together in a small compass all that a man 
desires. But to make an election when it is proposed 
to deliberate about public affairs, is not equally at com- 
mand ; but it behoves you to take the best precautions 
instead of the amusements, if you cannot take both. " Yet 
if any one can both let us have the theatrical money, 
and point out other funds for the war service, is not this 
man a better adviser ?" some one may say. Yes, I assent, 
if there be such a person, Athenians ! But, I wonder, 
whether to any man it hath ever happened, or ever will 
happen, if he have expended his present means on ob- 



THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 27 

jects that become him not, to have command over means 
which are gone, for objects that become him. But, as 
I think, the inclination of each person is a great matter 
in speeches of that kind. Wherefore it is the easiest 
thing in the world for any one to deceive himself. For 
whatever any one wishes that he always thinks. But 
human affairs go not often in that way. 

View then, Athenians, these things in the way that 
circumstances allow, and you will be able to march out, 
and you will have pay. For it is not the part of wise 
or noble-minded men, when failing at all through want 
of money for carrying on the war, to bear easily with 
such disgraces ; nor against Corinthians and Megarians, 
having snatched up their arms, to march ; and to suffer 
Philip to enslave the cities of Greece, through want of 
necessary maintenance for the troops. And these things 
have I not chosen idly to speak that I may incur the 
hatred of any of you : for I am not so foolish or un- 
fortunate a person, as to wish to incur your hatred, 
when I think I can do no good. But I deem it the 
part of a good citizen to prefer the welfare of our affairs 
above any popularity of speaking. For I am told, as 
perhaps you also have heard, that the orators in the 
times of our ancestors, whom all coming forward praise, 
but do not at all imitate, followed this principle and 
method of civic conduct — Aristides the great, Nicias, 
he who bore my name, and Pericles. But from the time 
that these rhetoricians have arisen, who ask you, What 
would you wish? what shall I propose? how must 
I oblige you ? the interests of the state are compli- 
mented away (a) to the popularity of the moment ; and 

(a) Upoirii/oo, to drink away in compliments. So in Pindar, Olymp. 
Carm. vii. 1. 5. 



28 THIRD OLYNTHIAC 

events of this nature are the consequence : and the affairs 
of these men all go on well ; but yours disgracefully. 

Well now, consider, Athenians, what summaries a per- 
son would be able to relate of the actions done in the 
time of your ancestors, and of those in your time. And 
the story shall be brief and intelligible to you : for by 
following not foreign precedents but those in your own 
history, Athenians, you may be able to become fortu- 
nate. Those men, then, whom the speakers did not 
flatter, nor caressed them, as these now do you, for five- 
and-forty years, ruled over the Greeks with their own 
consent, and they brought more than ten thousand ta- 
lents into the Acropolis : and the king who possessed 
this country was obedient to them, as it becomes a fo- 
reigner to be to the Greeks : and many noble trophies, 
both by land and in sea fight, they erected, serving in 
their own proper persons : and they alone of men, left 
the glory of their exploits superior to all who envied 
them. In the affairs, then, of the Greeks, they were 
men of such a stamp : and in those within the city itself 
consider how they acted, as well in public as in private 
matters. In their public capacity, therefore, they erected 
for us buildings and decorations of temples, and the 
offerings in them, such and so many, that to none of 
those who come after is there left a chance of surpassing 
them. And, in their private character, they were so 
virtuous, and so strongly adhering to the principles of 
the constitution, that if any one of you know the house 
of Aristides, and that of Miltiades, and of those men at 
that time illustrious, of what kind it is, he perceives it to 
be not a whit grander than that of his neighbour. For 
not with a view to opulence were the affairs of the state 
transacted by them, but every one thought it his duty 



THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 29 

to advance the common weal. And, from conducting the 
affairs of the Greeks with fidelity ; and their duties to 
the Gods piously; and affairs amongst themselves 
equally, they rightfully obtained great prosperity. 

In such a condition, then, stood affairs with them, em- 
ploying as rulers those whom I mentioned. But now how 
stand affairs with you, under these worthy men of the 
present day ? Are they in a state at all similar or near it ? 
And other matters I pass over, although I could have 
much to say about them. But having met with such an 
open field as you all perceive, — the Lacedaemonians being 
subdued, and the Thebans being fully employed, and of 
the others none being competent (a) to oppose us for the 
ascendency, — when it was in our power both to keep our 
own possessions securely, and to arbitrate the rights of 
others, we have been deprived of our own domain : 
and more than ten thousand five hundred talents have 
we expended to no purpose : and those parties whom 
we gained as allies during the war when peace came 
these persons have lost them : and we have exercised 
against our ownselves so great an enemy : or let 
some one come forward and show me, from what other 
means, than from ourselves, Philip hath become thus 
strong. " But," my good friend, " if these things are 
in a bad way, yet matters in the city itself are now 
better." But what can any one mention ? The battle- 
ments which we whitewash ? and the roads which we 
repair ? and the fountains ? and such like trifles ? Cast 
your eyes then on those persons who conduct such state 
proceedings, of whom some, from beggars, have become 
wealthy, and others from obscurity, high in honour : 

(a) In the original &|i($xpe»s, from &£ios and XP* WS > a debt, worthy of 
credit ; and thence, competent, respectable. 



30 THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 

and certain persons have built private houses more 
splendid than the public edifices : and in the same de- 
gree that the position of the state has become worse, 
hath that of these men been advanced. 

What then is the cause of all these evils? And how came 
it that all things went well then, and now far from rightly ? 
Because, in the first place, the people itself having the 
spirit to serve in the army, was master of the statesmen, 
and itself lord (a) of all the good things, and every one 
of the rest was well content to get a share of honour 
and power, and any good thing, from the people. But 
now, on the contrary, the statesmen are lords of all the 
good things, and through their hands all things are 
transacted : while you, the people, being hamstrung, 
and stripped of wealth and allies, have fallen into the 
rank of a servant and appendage ; being content, if these 
men give you a share of the theatrical money, or send 
you some paltry oxen : and, what is the meanest of all, 
you are thankful, besides, for what is your own : while 
they who shut you up close (b) in the city, train you to 
this and tame you, making you tractable to their own 
hands, (c) And it is never possible, methinks, for those 
engaged in little and mean pursuits to entertain a great 
and heroic spirit. For, of whatever character the pur- 
suits of men are, such it is necessary their spirit should 
be also. As to these things, by the divinity of Ceres ! I 
should not wonder if greater harm from you should en- 
sue to me, for having spoken of them, than to those who 
have caused them to befall. For neither is there at all 
times liberty of speech on all subjects before you. Nay, 

(a) AeffTr6rr}s, regards persons ; nvpios, regards property. 

(b) E'tpyu), to shut in : efp7c«>, to shut out. 

(c) In the original x^poyQyS) from x 6 V> BMUH1S, and i)9os, ingenium : 
so in Latin, mansuetus. 



THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 31 

for my part, I wonder that, even just now, it hath been 
allowed. 

Wherefore, if even now, at last, having quitted these 
ways, you shall determine to serve in the army, 
and to act worthily of yourselves, and shall em- 
ploy these idle expenses at home, as means to gain 
advantages abroad, perhaps — perhaps, Athenians, 
you might obtain some complete and great good, and 
would forego profits (a) of this kind, which are like 
cordials given by physicians to the sick. For, of truth, 
those alleviations neither infuse strength, nor suffer 
them to die. And these, which you now enjoy, are 
neither so great as to afford any permanent benefit, nor 
do they suffer you to reject them, and set about some- 
thing else. But these are the things that encourage the 
indolence of each of you. 

" Do you then speak of serving for hire ? " some 
one will say. Yes, Athenians, and immediately the 
same arrangement of all departments : that each, tak- 
ing his share of the public stock, whatever the state 
require, may be ready for that. Are we allowed to 
be at peace? Remaining at home, being released 
from the necessity of doing any thing base through 
want, you are better off. Does any occurrence of 
that kind take place, such as now ? So you are, being 
yourself a soldier on behalf of your country, out of these 
same profits, as is but reasonable. Is any one of you 
beyond the proper age ? What this man now receiving 
in a disorderly manner, does no good, this let him re- 
ceive in a regular system, inspecting and administering 
all things that ought to be done. And, altogether, 

(a) In the orginal Arjfifia, from \a/j.Sdvca, to take : dis. \r\fia, pur- 
pose, passion, from Kw, volo. Cf. Eurip. Med. 119. 



32 THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 

having neither taken away, nor added, except a little, 
having destroyed the disorder, I have brought the city 
to an orderly state, having established the same system 
of receiving largesses 3 of serving in the army, of acting 
on juries, of doing what each, according to his age, may 
be able, and for which occasion may be. On no occasion 
did I ever say, that it behoved those who do nothing to 
enjoy what belongs to those who will act; nor, that we 
should be idle and dilatory and at a loss ourselves, and 
about what victories the mercenaries of such or such a 
one are gaining to make inquiries. For these evils now 
prevail. And I do not blame him, who executes any 
good purpose on your behalf. But on your own behalf, 
I call upon you, of your ownselves, to do those things 
for which you honour others, and not to give up the 
point of merit, Athenians, which your ancestors be- 
queathed to you, having gained it by valour in many 
noble and great dangers ! I have about spoken what I 
deem to be fitting ; and may you choose that part which 
shall prove advantageous to the state, and to you all ! 



33 



ORATION ON THE CROWN, (a) 

The counsellor and the malignant being alike in 
no other matter, in this most of all differ from one an- 
other. The one gives his opinion before the events, 
and renders himself responsible to those who have taken 
his advice, to fortune, to the turns of the times, to any 
one who chooses : whereas, the other, having remained 
silent, when he ought to speak, if any thing disagreeable 
occurs, vexatiously sets upon that. That then was, as I 
stated, the period (Z>), for the man who was anxious for 
the good of the state and for honest advice. And I go 
to so bold a length, as to allow that I am guilty if any 
one could now show any thing better, or altogether if 
any other measure were practicable except those I 
adopted. For if there be any measure which any one 
hath now seen, that would have been advantageous if 
then pursued, that I affirm ought not to have been un- 
known to me. But if there neither is, nor was, nor 
any one can mention one hitherto or to day, what did it 
behove the counsellor to do ? Did it not, to choose the 
best of such measures as were apparent and practicable. 
This then was what I did, when the herald asked, 
iEschines ! "who chooses to harangue ?" not who chooses 
to accuse about things past, nor who to give bond about 

(a) This oration was spoken B. C. 330. ; Clin. Fast. Hell., i. 360. 
Part of it only is here giveru 

(6) When it was in consultation whether Athens should join Thehes 
against Philip. 

D 



34 ORATION ON THE CROWN. 

the things to come. But when you, at those times, sat 
speechless in the assemblies, I came forward and spoke. 
But if not then, at any rate now, point out to me either 
what method which I ought to have found out, or ad- 
vantageous crisis for the state, was neglected by me, and 
what alliance, what negociation, to which I ought rather 
to have conducted my countrymen. Besides, moreover, 
the past is always given up amongst all men, and no 
one anywhere proposes deliberation about this : but the 
future or the present demands the office of the coun- 
sellor. 

At that time then, some of our dangers, as it seemed, 
were coming on, and others were already arrived, in 
which let any one consider the principles of my political 
conduct, and do not malign the events. For the end of 
all things takes place as heaven approves : but the pro- 
posal itself manifests the intention of the counsellor. 
Do not then put that down as a crime against me, if it 
was the lot of Philip to come off victorious in the battle: 
for in the hand of God was the end of that matter, not 
in me. But that I did not adopt all measures that were 
practicable according to human calculation, and with 
honesty and diligence perform these, and with industry 
beyond my power ; or that I did not pursue a line of 
conduct honourable and worthy of the state, and at the 
same time necessary — this do you demonstrate to me, 
and then, but not till then, accuse me. But if the hur- 
ricane that befell hath proved too great, not only for us, 
but also for the whole of Greece, what does it behove us 
to do ? Just as if, when the captain had done every thing 
for a safe voyage, and had equipped his ship with all 
things by which he supposed it would sail in safety, and 
then had met a storm, and his tackle had suffered or 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 35 

was utterly rent, then any one should accuse him of the 
shipwreck. " Bat neither was I pilot of the ship," he 
might say — as neither was I general of the forces, or 
master of fortune, but she of all things. But consider 
one thing, and think of it: if it was destined us thus to 
fare though fighting along with the Thebans, what must 
we have expected if we had not had even these as allies, 
but they had joined Philip, for which purpose that man 
at that time exerted all his eloquence ? But if, as things 
are (a), when the battle took place three days' journey 
from Attica, so great danger and alarm encompassed the 
state, what was it proper to expect if this same calamity 
had befallen anywhere in our country ? Do you think 
that now you still would have stood, have assembled, 
have recovered your breath ? How much did one, or 
two, or three days contribute to the preservation of the 
state ? But in the other case (a), — it is not right to 
mention, what the kindness of some of the gods did not 
even allow us to experience, the state also having taken 
the shield of this alliance which you accuse. 

And all these arguments of mine, the greater part, are 
addressed to you, Judges ! and to you who stand around 
without and listen ; since, in answer to this man himself, 
the abominable fellow ! a short and distinct account was 
sufficient for me. For, if the future was beforehand mani- 
fest to you, iEschines, alone of all others, at the time that 
the city was deliberating about these things, then ought 
you to have foretold them : but if you were not aware be- 
forehand, you are responsible for the like ignorance with 
the rest. Wherefore, why do you lay this to my charge 
rather than I to yours ? For so far have I been a better 

(a) Nw/ and r6re opposed : the former signifies " as things actually took 
place ;" the latter, " as things would have been in a case supposed." 

D 2 



cJb ORATION ON THE CROWN. 

citizen in these things concerning which I speak, (and 
I do not argue about the others), inasmuch as I devoted 
myself to measures considered by all to be expedient, 
having declined no private danger, nor taken it into 
account : whereas, you neither advised other measures 
better than these, (for else they would not have adopted 
these) nor in furtherance of these did you render your- 
self at all useful. But what the most worthless man 
and the bitterest enemy would do to the state, this, in 
the event, you are convicted to have done ; and at the 
same time that at Naxos Aristratus, and at Thasos 
Aristolaus, downright enemies of the state, bring to 
trial the friends of the Greeks, you, iEschines, are, at 
Athens, impeaching Demosthenes ! But the man for 
whom the misfortunes of the Greeks were reserved as a 
field to gain distinction on, that man better deserves 
to die, than to accuse another. And the man who has 
found his interest in the same turn of the times as the 
enemies of the state, it cannot be that such a man should 
be well affected to his country. And you show it, even 
from the way in which you live and act, and the part 
you take in the state, and again do not take. Is any 
measure going on, which is considered for your good ? 
iEschines is mute. Has anything gone wrong and 
befallen, such as should not? iEschines is forthcoming. 
Just as a fracture and a sprain, when any harm befalls 
the body, are then astir. 

But since he presses very much upon the events, 
I am inclined to state something even very sur- 
prising : and let no one, by Jupiter and the gods! 
wonder at my boldness, but with candour consider 
what I say. Wherefore, if the events which were 
going to happen had been beforehand manifest to all, 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 37 

and all had known, and you, JEschines, had foretold 
them, and protested crying out and bawling, you, who 
did not even open your mouth, not even in this case 
ought the city to have given up those objects, if she 
paid any regard either to glory, or to our ancestors, or 
to the coming age. For, as things are, she is held to 
have met with disappointment in her aims, which is 
common to all people, when such is the will of heaven. 
But in the other case, if, while aspiring to take the lead 
of all the rest, the city had given up that point, she 
would have borne the charge of having abandoned all 
the Greeks to Philip. Wherefore, if without a struggle 
she had surrendered these things, on account whereof 
our ancestors sustained every possible danger, who would 
not contemptuously spit upon you? (For God forbid 
upon the city, or upon me ! ) But with what eyes, by 
Jove ! should we have looked at those men who come to 
visit the city, if affairs had been reduced to the condition 
in which they now are, and Philip had been chosen the 
leader and lord of all, and the contest to prevent these 
ills from happening, other persons had undertaken 
apart from us ? And this too, when never in the 
times gone by did the city choose ignoble safety rather 
than danger for the sake of honour. For what Greek, 
or what barbarian does not know, that both from 
the Thebans, and from those who were powerful still 
earlier than these, the Lacedaemonians, and from the 
king of the Persians, there would have been gladly 
granted to the city, with many thanks, the liberty of 
taking whatever she pleased, and of keeping her own 
domains, provided she did what was enjoined, and 
allowed another to be at the head of the Greeks ? But 
to the Athenians of that day this was not, as it seems, 



38 ORATION ON THE CROWN. 

hereditary, nor tolerable, nor natural ; nor was any one 
able ever in the whole course of time to prevail upon the 
city, by joining those who were powerful, but not acting 
a j ust part, to tolerate a secure slavery : but during all 
her existence she has remained steadfast in struggling 
for the first rank, and for honour and glory, through 
every danger. And this you consider so noble and 
worthy of your principles, that you praise in the highest 
degree those of your ancestors who thus acted. For 
who but must admire the spirit of those men who had 
the heart to leave their country and their city, having 
embarked in their ships, that they might not submit to 
the word of command? when they chose as leader The-, 
mistocles, who had given them this advice, and stoned 
to death Crysilus (a), who gave his opinion for sub- 
mitting to commands, and not only him, but moreover 
your wives stoned his wife. For the Athenians of that 
time did not seek an orator and general, by whom they 
might be enslaved and prosperous : but they did not 
condescend even to live, unless it should be allowed 
them to do so with liberty. Wherefore each of them 
thought, that he was born, not for his father and his 
mother only, but also for his country. And what is the 
difference ? That he who thinks that he was born only 
for his parents, awaits the death of chance and destiny : 
but he who thinks that he was born also for his country, 
will be ready to die that he may not see her enslaved, 
and will deem the insults and disgraces, which in his 
city, when enslaved, he needs must meet with, more ter- 
rible than death. 

If, then, I attempted to say this, that it was I 
who urged you to entertain sentiments worthy of your 

(a) See Cicero, De Off. 1. iii. c. xi. 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 39 

ancestors, there is no one who would not justly con- 
demn me. But now I demonstrate such principles as 
these to be your own; and I show that long before 
my time the state upheld this sentiment. Of the ad- 
ministration, however, in every part of the measures 
transacted, I affirm that a share belongs to myself also. 
But this man accusing the whole of the past, and calling 
upon you to bear anger against me, as having been the 
cause of alarms and dangers to the state, is eager indeed 
to deprive me of honour for the present, but in fact is 
robbing you of your just encomium for all time to come. 
For if, on the ground that I have not acted the best part 
in politics, you shall condemn my friend here («), you 
will seem to have acted wronglv, and not to have suf- 
fered what has happened by the cruelty of fortune. But 
it cannot, it cannot be, that you were wrong, Athenians, 
in having undertaken a contest which was for the liberty 
and preservation of all men. No — I swear by those who 
fought in the first ranks at Marathon ! and by those 
who took the field at Platsea ! and by those who fought 
the sea fight at Salamis, and by those off Artemisium ! 
and many others, brave men, who lie in the public 
tombs, all of whom equally the city buried, having 
judged them worthy of the same distinction, iEschi- 
nes ! not those of them who succeeded, nor those alone 
who conquered. And justly so. For that which was 
the work of brave men has been performed by them all : 
but as to fortune, what Heaven assigned to each, that 
have they experienced. 

(a) That is Ctesiphon, against whom iEschines brought the action, 
and whom Demosthenes is here defending. 

THE END. 



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" We unhesitatingly award to his labours high commendation, &c." — 
Times, Dec. 13. 

" We think that this work ought to be in the hands of every educated 
man, whether he be professional or not." — Aryus, Dec. 15. 

'< At the present period this work will be found both interesting and 
instructive to all classes of readers, &C. The subject Reform Bill is 
also elaborately treated, and the work altogether will well repay an at- 
tentive perusal." — County Press, Dec. 14. 



London : 

Printed by A. Spotdswoope, 
New-Strect-Square. 



